Monday, March 12, 2012

Lecture 4 LICHCHAVI ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS AND ARCHITECTURE



Lecture 4

LICHCHAVI ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS AND ARCHITECTURE


By early Lichchavi period, settlements existed at Sanga (Sangagrama), Banepa, Nala, Panauti, Khopasi, Palanchowk, Dumja and probably Dolakha, Lele (Lembatidrangga), Chitlang valley and even upto Gorkha. Within the Valley settlements occurred at Daxinakoligram, Deopatan, Hadigaon, Budhanilkantha, Thankot, Naxal (Jonjondingrama), Jamal (Jamayambi), Kisipidi (Kichpringgrama) etc. (Slusser, 1982).

During Lichchavi period, grama meant settlement of Lichchavi creation or expansion and are not indicative of villages. Drangga was not a physical classification but a type of administrative power given by the state (Tiwari, 1982). Pringga generally referred to settlements on the crests of hillocks and the suffix was never used for places with Sanskrit names. This suggests pringgas refer to settlements from Kirata period whose names had remained popular for a long time eg. Khopringgrama pradesha (eastern part of Bhaktapur), Jolpringgrama (NW of Thankot), Lohpring and Muhpring (E and NE of Pasupati). Settlements on slopes of hillocks usually carried the suffix “dula” such as Kadulagrama, Mekandidula, today’s Kupandole etc. 

Lichchavi towns were situated along a number of trade routes crisscrossing the valley. The towns were fairly compact with distinct urban character. Apart from agriculture including production of cash crops, other activities were pursued such as animal and fish farming, mining and metal processing, cotton weaving, forestry, trading etc. Weaving of cloth was practiced at Thankot which is still continued. There was extensive trading with the southern neighboring states and high levels of commercial activities existed as evidenced by minted coins and measuring units and scales. Such non-agriculture activities indicate certain degree of urbanization. The defense and administrative services also appear to be highly organized into functional departments and regional divisions for taxation and security etc. Many types of taxes were levied e.g. on land, orchard produce such as garlic and onions, exports, cloth, oil, shops, agriculture implements, animal farming, entertainment etc. Tax collection centres were located close to temples and at the palace gates. Settlements do not appear to be walled as in the later Malla period. Pedestrian and wheeled traffic routes linked the different settlements and the roads had various classifications such as marga, mahapath, brihatpath, hastimarga etc.

Unlike during the earlier times when settlements were laid on the lower slopes of the hills and drinking water sources were close by, many Lichchavi settlements were located on the high lands (tar) of the valley, far away from hill water sources and in areas with relatively low water tables. To provide them with adequate water, the Lichchavis developed ponds with deep wells or which were fed by canals bringing water over great distances. Sometimes naturally available water veins or reservoirs were used to supply water to depressed pit conduits (dhunge dharas). The distance from the source or reservoir determined the depth of the pit conduits. Some of the dhunge dharas are still working today.

The towns were either palace centric or temple centric. Palace centric towns were the capital city with the palace as the central focus. Maneswar (Hadigaon) where Managriha was built was the first palace centric town. Temple centric towns were built around important temples. Some of the early temple centric towns were Bhringagrama (Sunakothi), Lembatigrama (Lele), Bungamati, Deopatan and Narasimhagrama (near Budhanilkantha). Settlements also grew up around the tax offices which formed the central urban space such as at Stharudrangga (Chapagaon) and Kichpringgrama (Kisipidi). By late Lichchivi or early Malla period towns came to polarize around centres having both a temple and tax offices. Stone water conduits were often built near these complexes. As taxes were collected close to the water spouts, these were frequently referred to as “bhansar dhara”. In palace centric towns the palace gates served as tax collection points and location of water conduits (Tiwari, 1989).

The Lichchavis established Dakshinkoligrama at the confluence of Bagmati and Vishnumati. Bajracharya and Slusser believe the name was derived from Koligrama which existed to the north. Tiwari refutes this argument by proposing that the name was derived from the people of "Kaula sect" who practiced Tantrik worship facing east so that their right hands lay to the south (Tiwari, 1982).

The Lichchavis were also known to have expanded existing towns. Legends mention about Amshuvarman expanding the town of Patan to the south by clearing the forest area around Lagankhel and setting up the temple of Batuka Bhairava (Poudel, 1963 as mentioned by Pant and Funo, 2007). In another account, during the reign of King Viradeva, second ruler after Amshuvarman, a grass-cutter named Lalita, was instructed to build a city by clearing the forest of Lalita-ban. The city he built known as Lalitapura was amalgamated with the existing city of Matilinagara (Matingrama). The city was then marked by five mounds (Lamsal, 1966 as quoted by Pant and Funo, 2007). Snellgrove (1957) opines that the construction of great stupas in the four directions is a sign that it is a Buddhist city.

Hadigaon was the capital of early Lichchavis and the location of Mangriha, the palace of Manadeva. Gopararajavamsavali refers to Hadigaon as Nandala. It was known as Andipringga but acquired the Sanskrit name Haripura during the transitional period which changed to Harigrama, Harigaon and finally to Hadigaon (clay pot village- special clay extracted to form telia bricks (Slusser, 1982). It lay on the principal trade route from Daxinakoligram to Tibet on the Kampo-Yambi route (linking present day Kapan and Indrachowk). It remained the capital until the capital was shifted to Kathmandu during the transitional period.

According to the Bhasavamsavali King Gunakamadeva is supposed to have built Gunapo palace and established Kathmandu in the form of a sword between the Bagmati and Vishnumati rivers as per the advice of Goddess Mahalaxmi in a dream. This legend was probably a way of legitimizing the shifting of the capital city from Hadigaon to Kathmandu sometime during 942-1008 AD. The Kampo-Yambi highway probably formed the centre line of the sword and confirmed the amalgamation of Yambi and Yangala (north and south Kathmandu).

Bhavanas refer to palaces. Viharas were called viharas but no mention is made of chaityas which were probably included in the viharas. Prasada as well as bhavana was also used to refer to Hindu structures housing images of gods or Sivalinga. Palaces were located within settlements whereas viharas seemed to be situated in rural areas, a few being located within or on the fringe of urban areas. Temples were also generally sited within settlements and often formed the central space. Six palaces are mentioned in the Lichchavi inscriptions: Dakshinrajakula, Managriha, Kailashkuta bhavana, Bhadradivasa bhavana, Salamburajabasaka and Pundrirajakula (Tiwari, 1989).

DAKSHINRAJAKULA


Anshuvarman mentions this palace and probably refers to a very old palace, older than Mangriha. D. Bajracharya suggests it was located at Hanuman Dhoka but Tiwari believes it lay SE of Jaisedeval and south of Hadigaon, across all rivers in Patan. He suggests it refers to the Kirata palace around Patukodon since chronicles mention last palace of the Kiratas to be the first palace of the Lichchavis. The site was also known as the centre of practice of “Daxina Buddhism” (Tiwari, 2001).

MANAGRIHA


Manadeva built Managriha during his long reign of 464-505 AD. He probably felt the need to build a new palace because of the patricide; however, the new palace was named after him by his son only after his death. The first edict was issued by his successor Vasantadeva in 506 AD which began with “Um Swasti Managrihat” and symbolized the palace as the seat of power (Tiwari, 2001). Edicts continued to be issued from the palace until 641 AD by Bhimarjunadeva, the puppet king under Vishnugupta who lived in Kailashkutabhawana.

Jayadev II’s Narayan Chaur edict describes Managriha as an extensive walled compound, pierced with several gateways and contained a “preksanamandapi”which was a reception pavilion for the palace. From Amshuvarman’s description, the palace housed the royal family and many palace functionaries. It also contained a number of shrines and temples and a stable for coronation horse and elephant (Slusser, 1982). Managriha probably was of trikuta design and had a moat around it. There were public entrances on the east and west sides. A Siva linga temple existed in the north-west corner of the main central court. To the south there was a forecourt with a pavilion for public audience. The outermost court or raja-agana had a prekshana-mandapi to its south which was a pavilion to screen visitors to the palace.

Both the Jayadev II and Amshuvarman edicts are in Hadigaon and refer to Managriha, probably indicating its location there. According to Slusser, Karttikeya, the commander of the gods, which normally graces temples in the capital city, has six faces, six arms, twelve eyes and twelve or six ears. Such a statue appears to the west of Hadigaon, guarding the western gate, thereby confirming the capital city status of Hadigaon and the location of Managriha there (Slusser, 1982). Tiwari locates the palace to the area generally north of Bal Mandir and to the SE of the current Manamaneswori temple (Tiwari, 2001). Coins were minted during the Lichchavi period and there was a place referred to as Tamrakuttasala close to Managriha. The Kampo-Yambi highway was supposed to have passed at some distance from the palace to the west.

KAILASHKUTA BHAVANA


Kailashkutabhavana was built by Amshuvarman (605-621 AD). Construction may have begun during the time of Sivadeva I, predecessor of Amshuvarman when citizens of Kurppasi (Khopasi) were instructed to furnish 50 varieties of clay for the door opening festival and Kailasha festival. This suggests the palace may have been whitewashed as was the practice in contemporary India. First edict from the palace was issued in 605 AD. The Guptas who usurped power and later Narendradeva (643-679) and his descendents till Jayadeva II issued edicts from Kailashkuta bhavana, denoting that the ruler had shifted residence from Managriha to Kailashkutabhavana (Slusser, 1982).

Two steles, first dated 606 AD erected by Amshuvarman are located at a dabali at the east end of Hadigaon. One addresses the palace officers and seeks their obedience and was probably located in the centre of the palace or at the main gate. The other inscription is about the amount of annual grant to religious and administrative institutions from the state treasury and was probably located outside the palace gate dealing with such grants. The location of the steles suggest the palace was situated somewhere near the Dabali of Hadigaon (Tiwari, 2001).

According to Chinese annals, the Chinese ambassador Wang Hsuan Tse described Kailashkutabhavana as a “storied structure 200 tch’eu high and 80 pou (400 ft.) in circumference able to accommodate 10,000 men. It is divided into three terraces, each divided into 7 storeys. In the four pavilions there are sculptures which are decorated with gems and pearls. In the middle of the palace there is a tower seven storeys high roofed with copper tiles. Its balustrades, grilles, columns, beams and everything are set with gems and semi-precious stones. At each of the four corners of the tower descend copper water pipes, at the base of which water spout forth from water dragons. From the summit of the tower, water is poured into troughs which gushes forth like fountains from the mouth of dragons” (Slusser, 1982).

The Chinese ambassador’s description suggests the palace was of Trikuta design, i.e. with three courtyards, probably as Tiwari suggests in the North-south axis (Tiwari, 2001). There was no exit from the NE to the south. The South Gate was provided a much higher grant than the other gates suggesting it was the main gate which had a military checkpoint and tax and administrative offices for the different parts of the valley. The reference to Pratalya also seems to suggest there was either a chariot way or a covered walkway linking the south gate to the inner courts. Then there was the west gate from the lower court which also had a security checkpoint indicating the south court was accessible to the public. Above it in the middle court was the Managriha gate also facing west and above it another gate. A gate also existed in the north side. The middle court led only to Managriha while the west gate on the upper court led to a still older palace Madhyamarajakula built by Bhumivarman, the first Lichchvi king to set up his capital in Andipringga. As no security barriers appear to have been set up in the Mangriha gate, Madhyamarajkula gate and the north gate, there probably was free passage between the palaces which would suggest that they were contiguous (Tiwari, 2001).

Classical texts required gates to the east so its absence probably meant that access was not possible because of a stream or a lake to the SE. The Chinese ambassador also mentioned a lake was visible from the terrace (Tiwari, 2001). Impressive waterworks leads one to believe that the water mechanic held an important position and this is substantiated by the higher salary allocated to him.

The palace structure was probably constructed mainly of wood and bricks as indicated by the bricks with Amsuvarman’s name unearthed in Hadigaon (Slusser, 1982). Kailashkuta bhavana had more than four temples and five gates. However, there is no mention of the temples in the Chinese annals which should not have missed these when such a detailed description of the palace had been provided. This would probably indicate that the temples were either not grand structures and did not form focal points in the squares or were confined to the private quarters of the palace. It appears palace temples were given prominence only later during the Malla period (Tiwari, 2001).

Slusser argues that Kailashkutabhavana was probably located in Kathmandu in the vicinity of Jaisideval because of the presence of the statue of Kartikkaya in the vicinity whereas Tiwari firmly believes the palace was located in Hadigaon, to the SE of Managriha and Manamaneshwari, to the south of Gahana Pokhari which was the source of the water for the palace waterworks (Tiwari, 2001).

BHADRADHIVASA BHAVANA


Narendradeva issued three edicts between 671-679 AD from Bhadradhivasa bhavana. Slusser suggests it refers to Kailashkutabhavana, not another palace, used while it was being repaired (Slusser, 1982). Tiwari disagrees and suggests Bhadradhivasabhavana could be a palace located in Patan where Narendradeva took up residence after he was ousted from Kailashkutabhavana due to palace intrigue as a result of his attraction to Buddhism (Tiwari, 2001).

VIHARAS AND CHAITYAS


Lichchavi inscriptions indicate existence of 14 viharas. Srimanadeva vihara, Abhayaruchi vihara, Chaturbhalatanasana vihara, Kharjurika vihara, Madhyama vihara, Sivadeva vihara and Varta Kalyanagupta vihara were thought to lie in the same general area. Sriraja vihara which was also close to them was thought to lie NE of Gokarna. Thus all the above viharas were probably located between Chabahil and Gokarna. Sivadeva vihara is probably the same as Bouddhanath and Gum vihara lies at its current location at Vajrayogini (Tiwari, 2001).

There seems to be an absence of viharas in Patan during the Lichchavi period although there was a concentration of viharas during the medieval period. During the period following Lichchavi, a strong conflict appears to have developed between Brahmanism and Buddhism. Manadeva's father probably was a victim of such conflict. As a result there appears to be a total relocation of the Buddhist population of the area between Chabahil and Gokarna to Patan (Tiwari, 2001). The Lichchavi viharas probably housed celibate monks and nuns practicing Mahayana Buddhism and were generally located away from settlements. By the time of the transitional period, Bajrayana had fully flourished and celibate monks and nuns had given way to married bhikshus. The design and location of the viharas were changed to accommodate their married status. They came to be located within dense settlements (Tiwari, 2001). Locke, however, believes the two schools of Buddhism existed alongside since early Lichchavi times and Bajrayana slowly gained ascendancy until celibacy in monks died out altogether (Locke, 1985).

Gopalarajavamsavali informs that Vrisadeva built Swayambhu chaitya, Dharmadeva built Dharmode chaitya, Manadeva built Gum Vihara and Sivadeva I built Bouddhanath. The exact form of the earlier chaityas is difficult to determine as they are hidden within later enlarged structures. It was a common practice in India and Nepal to enlarge existing stupas while carefully preserving the original sacred structures within. It is therefore not uncommon to find original images within deep niches.

Dharmadeva stupa and Mahamayuri stupa (Gum vihara) are probably most approximate to their original size and appearance, however, the finial is probably of later date. The original structures of Swayambhu and Bouddha have been completely transformed during restorations (Slusser, 1982). Nothing is known of the original structures but the pointed finial with 13 stages became standard only after the 11th century (it increased from 5 to 9 to 13). The practice of painting eyes on the Harmika may also have begun only after the 15th century (Slusser, 1982).

TEMPLES


Twenty-four temples are mentioned in the Lichchavi inscriptions. Pashupati and Dolashikharaswami (Changu Narayan) were of greatest importance. Changu predates Manadeva, whereas he is credited with the construction of Maneshwara, current Manamaneshwari where Siva linga is placed inside the temple (Tiwari, 2001). Jalasayi Narayana (Budhanilkantha) was established by Vishnugupta. Other important temples were Kailashwara, Narasimhadeva, Rameshwara, Hansagrihadeva etc.

The Lichchavis used specific suffixes to denote the dedicated god. Swami was used to denote Vishnu, Iswara to denote Shiva, Deva to denote Vishnu avatars and Devakula to denote Kirata temples or temples housing more than one image Temples were not the major elements of central urban spaces such as palace squares. This form was developed much later by the Mallas (Tiwari, 2001).

Multi-tiered temples of brick and timber probably existed during Lichchavi time. This can be determined partly by Wang Hsuan tse’s description of Lichchavi structures but mainly from Amshuvarman’s 610 AD edict where he had donated funds for the restoration of a temple in Matingrama (Sundhara tol, Patan) because “the bricks had been disturbed and the timber of the doors and windows had become old and broken” (Slusser, 1982). This brick and timber temple Matin-devakula, which housed mother goddesses, was obviously non-Lichchavi and of Kirata origin and belonged to the dyochhen typology. This temple exists today as the temple of Balkumari.

Italian excavation at Hadigaon discovered the foundations of a temple dating to the 2nd century BCE. The foundation was of a typical Navagraha plan (nine holes in foundation) based on Vastupurushamandala (Tiwari, 2001). This is an example of a brick and timber temple, square in plan, probably with sloping roofs. The temple is credited to the Kirata period but such structures must definitely have influenced Lichchavi construction. There were also structures with rectangular brick foundations suggesting temples of deochen typology. These were probably the more common types during the Kirata period. Small temples during the Varman period were built mainly of stones. Such temples were common in India in the early Gupta period. It was only during the Malla period when bricks served as the structural element and timber as the filler material.
Avarana and mandapa temples were common during the Verman period. The 16 legged mandapa with the pyramidal roof was given a second roof over the centre by raising the four central pillars and adding a roof to allow smoke and incense from the vedi to escape. The temple of Changunarayan is thought to have been constructed initially by Haridutta Varman as a 16 pillar mandapa. Subsequently it was enclosed and built as a two-tiered temple by Mandeva, probably to erase the memory of the patricide committed by him. This must have been the prototype which led to the two-tiered temple design (Tiwari, 2009).

According to chronicles, Haridattavarman, an undocumented Lichchavi king is credited with the construction of four hilltop temples dedicated to Narayana: Changu Narayan, Ichangu Narayan, Sikhara Narayan and Lokapalasvamin. The last temple along with the town of Hamsagrihadranga where it was located exists no more. Currently Bishankhu Narayan is referred to as the lost temple.
 
Gunakamadeva is credited with the repair of the 5 storied Pashupati temple and remodeling it into a 3 storied temple. Since the technology of constructing more than two tiers was developed much later, this does not seem plausible. Both types of ambulatory temples, the chariot and palanquin (ratha and khata) were familiar in Lichchavi times. The jatra of Machchindranatha was regulated by Narendradeva.

Stone and brick shikara type of temples, familiar in India, were also probably known in Lichchavi period. Nepali worship is fundamentally an individual matter so Nepali temples have no provision for congregation as in the Indian temples.

EXISTING LICHCHAVI STRUCTURES


Simple shrines of Lichchavi period housing Sivalingas and referred to as “avarana” can still be found in the Pasupati and Lele area. These were probably one of the earliest forms of shrines. They consisted of four short stone columns set directly in the ground. The columns were almost triangular in cross section but flat on the two exterior faces and had decorative emblems in the upper part. The decorative motifs finished in the tamralep technique suggest they were copies of wooden prototypes (Tiwari 2009). The roof was a 4-8 inch thick flat monolithic slab with sloping sides set directly on the stone columns. Finials were short stubby amalakas carved separately and placed on the roof (Slusser, 1982). Later shrines appear to have been raised from a square stone plinth, joined at the corner junctions with half-lap joints with dowels at the corners to house the columns.

During late Lichchavi/early transitional period shrines became larger and more elaborate. Shrines were raised on moulded courses, the image or linga was set on an elevated platform, columns were engaged into hollowed out lintels, above it was a beam and on it was set a roof composed of diminishing square and octagonal slabs, finished with an amalaka and a bulbous terminus (Slusser, 1982).

Votive chaityas of Lichchavi origin are still found and range from 2-4 ft. high. These are of monolithic stone and composed of 3 principal sections: the drum, dome and finial. The chaityas, except for a few are all raised on plinths. Sometimes the plinth is elaborate and appears to be a virtual square temple with exterior niches facing the cardinal points. In some rare cases the plinth makes the dome almost non-existent and it becomes difficult to even refer to it as a chaitya (Slusser, 1982).

Plinth may consist of diminishing stages with niches. The niches could be 4 major and 4 minor niches or all of equal size. This could refer to the eightfold path or eight principal events of Buddha’s life. The niches are empty or have carved images. Metal or stone images were probably installed in the empty niches during certain occasions (Slusser, 1982).

The Medhi of the Lichchavi chaityas were plain while the domes were polished hemispheres and there were slight variations in their form and size. The polish of the dome is one of the distinguishing features of the Lichchavi period, similar to the practice in India for a short period during the time of Ashoka. The finial consisted of a plain cube, the harmika, and above it a diminishing squat pyramid of 3 or 4 steps. Most of the 13 stage finials found on Lichchavi chaityas are of later date as the original finials were replaced either because they had been destroyed by treasure hunters or were purposely removed so as to make them conform to later Buddhist doctrines (Slusser, 1982).

Some of the chaityas seem to be faithful copies of existing larger buildings of the period. They point to the existence of sixteen-legged (4x4) column structures commonly used later in temples and dharamshalas. Octagonal colonnaded temples may also have existed as indicated by the chaityas and their existence in contemporary India. The columns appear square and undecorated at the bottom but change through several decorative layers to circular form at the top and support brackets/capitals as in a typical post-and-lintel construction. This type of construction is evident in existent brick and timber construction of later periods (Slusser, 1982).

That the Malla style architecture was probably derived from Lichchavi structures is made evident by the fact that the Matingrama inscription referred to a temple with wooden windows; the style was well developed by the 11th century when the Kasthamandap was constructed; and the earliest known Newar style temple of Indreswara Mahadev at Panauti constructed in 1294 already showed a matured architectural style (Slusser, 1982). The respect for the tradition and practice of reconstructing temples according to the original guidelines probably prevented innovations in construction and style and helped maintain much of the original character of the temples (Parajuli, 1986). The presence of Lichchavi chaityas within courtyards also indicates that common houses were probably built around courtyards as in later periods. Wang Hsuan tse had reported that Nepali houses were built of wood and were sculptured and painted (Slusser, 1982).

URBAN SERVICES


The inscription of Lele of 604 AD provides details about organizations such as Arogyashala (home for the recovery of health), Pradeepa Gansthikas (organization for maintenance of city lighting), Paniyashala (organization responsible for potable water supply), Malla Yuddha Gasthika (troupe of wrestlers for entertainment), Pranali Gasthika (unit responsible for maintenance of canals), Goyuddha (bull fighting establishment) etc. This shows the town had water, lighting, health and entertainment services. From this one can deduce that larger towns probably had even more elaborate and developed services (Tiwari, 2001).

As towns moved to higher lands in the valley floor during Lichchavi periods, the problem of supplying water to large urban population became acute. Earlier settlements were closer to water sources, closer to the mountain slopes. Later the easy water sources were far away and sub-surface water level tended to be low. To solve this problem the Lichchavis created pit or recessed “gairidharas” called pranalis with stone spouts providing water for the population. Water was brought over long distances by digging channels from the source, often in open canals and through covered conduits in urban areas. These canals were referred to as rajkulos, some of which are existent today. The source of water for the water conduits in the cities was Tikabhairav for Patan, Budhanilkantha for Kathmandu and Bageswori for Bhaktapur (Water Movement in Patan, 2008). In some cases local aquifers were tapped to supply water to the stone spouts. An ingenious interlinkage of ponds which were recharged by the rajkulos and monsoon rains was built in the slightly elevated areas which in turn recharged the local aquifers and fed the stone spouts. Specially designed mangaa or distributors regulated the water to different hitis or spouts within the hitis. The water discharged from the spouts was sometimes purified by passing it through gravel/sand filter and was stored in reservoirs behind the retaining wall with the conduit. The oldest known dhara of 554 AD built in Hadigaon is still in use. Some of the other Lichchavi period stone water spouts are Gairidhara at Naxal, dhara at Naxal Bhagwati, dhara near Jaisideval, Manidhara in Patan Durbar square. These water systems built by the Lichchavis and improved upon by the Mallas which so successfully served the people of the Valley until very recent times is now on the verge of collapse. The ponds and aquifers have been encroached upon. The channels and sand belts have been disturbed or dislocated by the deep foundations of modern buildings causing many of the spouts to dry up. Also excessive withdrawal of water from wells dug at the shallow aquifers feeding the hitis has further aggravated the problem.

Dharamsalas and patis were common in Lichchavi times as evidenced by the Kasthamandap. Apart from the gairidharas, spigot fountains (reservoir of drinking water known as jaladroni and sometimes siladroni), large reservoirs (khataka) and irrigation canals were prevalent (Slusser, 1982).

Lecture 3 LICHCHAVIS


Lecture 3


Historical Periods:
Lichchavis       78 – 879 AD
Transitional      879 – 1200 AD
Early Malla      1200 – 1382 AD
Late Malla        1382 – 1769 AD
Shah                1769 – 1951 AD
Rana                1846 – 1950 AD

LICHCHAVIS


Lichchavis of India ruled from Vaisali, north across the Ganges from Pataliputra the capital of the Mauryans and Imperial Guptas. They appear to have been politically assimilated by the Mauryan state. Later they were allied to the Guptas through marriage. Chandragupta I (ascended 320AD) married a Lichchavi girl Kumaradevi which was acknowledged in an Allahabad inscription by his son Samundragupta (Slusser, 1982).

The first and only epigraphical record of connection between the Lichchavis of Nepal and India occurs in a Jayadeva II inscription of 733 AD at Pasupatinath temple. Jayadeva extends the lineage to 37 kings before Vrisadeva, to the Lichchavis of India. There are twelve unnamed kings preceding Jayadeva before another Jayadeva is mentioned, referred to as Jayadev I by historians. Providing 20 year average reign, Jayadeva ruled sometime in the 2nd century AD. This coincides with the statue of Jaya Varman unearthed at Hadigaon.

Gopalarajavamsavali states Lichchavi king Nimistankaravarman, lord of Vaisali who came from the south, defeated the Kiratas (King Galija) and began the dynasty in Nepal. Why the Lichchavis came to Nepal from India is not known (perhaps important trade or pilgrimage?). Tiwari suggests Bhaskervarman, the leader of the Lichchavi army, was on the run from the Kushanas and arrived in Nepal in 78 CE (Tiwari, 2002). During his absence Vaisali was sacked by the Kushanas, ending Lichchavi rule there, so he set up his kingdom in Kathmandu. The change of power appears to have come about without a fight through negotiations with the ruling house. He probably ruled from the palace of Dakshinrajkula which was annexed from the Kirata king of Patan. Since he did not have any sons, he adopted Bhumivarman, a local youth. Perhaps, because of his “Sakara” origin, Bhumivarman moved his capital to Andipringga, the site of his ancestors. This was probably the reason - the start of his rule and his return to his ancestral home – why he established the Sakara Samvat, the official Lichchavi calendar in 78 AD. He built the Madhyamarajkula palace, so called because it was centrally located in the valley (Tiwari, 2002). Its existence is corroborated by Anshuvarman’s later inscription. This was the royal residence of the Lichchavi’s until Mandeva built Managriha almost 400 years later.

The period between 78 CE and the time of Manadev’s rule is now referred to by historians as the Varman period. Manadeva used the surname Dev to denote rule by the Lichchavis and this period extends to 879 CE.

Some scholars, however, believe that the Lichchavis were of Mongoloid stock and were Kiratas themselves, rather than immigrants. They were believed to have adopted the Hindu varna system which divided society into rigid hierarchical class structures (Joshi,1998 as quoted by Pant and Funo, 2007).

The first epigraphic record of the Lichchavis, Manadeva’s inscription at Changunarayan, mentions 3 preceding kings: Vrisadeva, Sankaradeva and Dharmadeva. There are no clear indications of when the Lichchavi dynasty disappeared but there was a decline after Jayadeva II and records disappeared so 879 AD (the year of establishment of Nepal Sambat) is taken as convenient dividing line (Slusser, 1982). The Nepal Samvat was introduced by king Raghavadeva and is referred to by the vamsavalis as Pasupati Bhattaraka Samvata, implying it had something to do with the construction or renovation of the temple. This also probably implied, as suggested by Tiwari, that Pashupati had replaced Vishnu as the royal patron deity because power had returned to the Sakara lineage (Tiwari, 2002).

From the chronicles Vrisadeva was a Buddhist who founded Swayambhu stupa. He was noted as an excellent king “not given to war”. From this it may be assumed that he may have assumed a subservient status for Nepal vis-à-vis the Guptas. Son Sankaradeva was brave, ruled the country well and made it prosperous. He was followed by Dharmadeva with virtues of an ideal king. He appears to have died unexpectedly. His queen Rajyavati was performing a religious service at Changunarayan when she had to leave midway because of news of Dharmadev’s death. She was dissuaded from committing sati by her son Manadev who threatened to commit suicide if she did not change her mind. After learning of Dharmadev’s death the tributary chiefs tried to break free of Lichchavi control so Manadeva with the aid of his maternal uncle, an Indian prince, set out to subdue them. The east was won back without a fight but he had to defeat the western samantas. Thereafter, he raised the garuda victory pillar at Changunarayan in 464 AD recording his exploits which was the first epigraphical record of the valley (Slusser, 1982). Manadeva built one of the first known palaces, Managriha from which all subsequent Lichchavi kings ruled until the 7th century.

Between 506-641 AD power was contested by the Abhira Guptas who claimed lunar descent (Somavamsa) as opposed to the solar descent (Suryavamsa) of the Lichchavis. Their connection to the Guptas of India is doubtful. Some scholars think Abhira Guptas may be descendents of Gopalas since the Gopalas also bore the name of Guptas. The Gopalaraja vamsavali also states “King Bhimadeva (Bhimaarjunadeva) reigned 14 years. After that the Gopala dynasty conquered the solar dynasty and ruled powerfully again” (Slusser, 1982). Bhaumagupta apparently was the first Abhira Gupta to assume full power that in effect made him king. His name appears in 540 AD and regularly thereafter. By 594, he had either died or been displaced by Amsuvarman.

Amsuvarman’s name appears in the inscription of Sivadeva I beginning in 594 AD denoting him as a powerful officer. His declared rule lasted from 605-621 AD although he had in effect wielded power a decade earlier. He used the title Samanta and later referred to himself as Mahasamanta (illustrious high feudatory). Later he assumed the title of Maharajadhiraj. He was not a Lichchavi but claimed lineage of the moon as opposed to the solar lineage of the Lichchavis (Slusser, 1982). Tiwari suggests he could be of Sakara origin which is probably why he elevated Pashupati as the royal deity although he gave equal status to Vishnu, the official deity of the Lichchavis (Tiwari, 2002).

Shortly after Sivadeva’s death, Amsuvarman built a palace for himself, naming it after Siva’s home, Kailashkutabhavana. He also assured maintenance of the older palaces of Managriha and Madhyamarajkula as indicated by his Hadigaon edict. He was a truly remarkable king, deeply involved in administrative and judicial matters and learned in the sastras. His fame was sung by Hsuan-tsang, probably at Vaisali.

Soon after Amsuvarman’s death, Abhira Guptas again regained power by deposing Amsuvarman’s designated successor Udayadeva. His heir Narendradeva fled to Tibet. A puppet Lichchavi Dhruvadeva had been installed by 624 AD and Bhaumagupta’s grandson Jisnugupta was the real wielder of power. He had taken up residence in Kailashkutabhavana. Jisnugupta’s son Vishnugupta also virtually ruled as king from the same palace. Lichchavi’s were relegated to figureheads whose names were initially invoked in inscriptions but wielded no power.

By 641 AD, with the aid of Tibetans, Narendradeva had been restored to the throne and had taken up residence in Kailashakutabhavana. Thereafter, his descendents ruled from Kailashkutabhavana. Nepal was a country of some consequence between 600-733 AD. Legends tell of a great fire in Vishalnagar. Tiwari believes this probably refers to a fire during the reign of Narendradeva. Palace intrigues and disputes developed into a religious civil war which caused the great fire that destroyed the capital. Two of Narendradeva’s sons are also believed to have been killed. Narendradeva was forced to set up residence at Bhadradivasa Bhawan at Sankhamul and many of the Buddhists of Hadigaon fled to the safety of Patan with their Buddhist king (Tiwari, 2002). Narendradeva later returned to Hadigaon.

Lichchavis brought Indian heritage to Nepal. Sanskrit was the court language and the script was brought from India. They used similar administrative, judicial and legislative terms. There was constant touch with India through commerce and pilgrimage and Gupta influence in art, especially stone sculptures, was quite apparent. There was frequent intermarriage with Indian royalties eg. Manadeva’s mother Rajyavati was of Indian descent. Tiwari, however, contends that Nepal already was highly advanced in art and architecture due to the merging of the Kirata and Lichchavi culture and was at a higher level of development than that of the Indo-gangetic plains. That is why apart from the religious and philosophical context Nepali architecture shows a distinct divergence from that of India.

Tibet’s records are silent about Nepal’s vassalage but China’s annals refer to Nepal’s vassal state because of Tibetan help to Narendradeva in regaining the throne (Slusser, 1982). The Gopalaraja vamsavali confirms Nepal was subservient to Bhota but Nepali records make no mention of this.

Tibetan records tell of two Buddhist princesses, Bhrikuti of Nepal and a Chinese princess who were sent to marry Song-tsen Gampo, a powerful king of Tibet (627-650 AD). They are credited with introducing Buddhism to Tibet. Though Bhrikuti was said to be the daughter of Amsuvarman, he had been dead for 20 years by the date of the marriage so the princess was probably the daughter of Bhaumarjunadeva, Visnugupta or even Narendradeva (Slusser, 1982).

Lichchavis administered the state skillfully according to established laws. Complex institutions were set up that regulated the relationship between the ruler and the ruled and between the men and gods. Taxes were levied and compulsory labour was exacted for irrigation and public works. Trade was fundamental. Land tenure was closely regulated and state was concerned with farmers’ agricultural and livestock production (Slusser, 1982).

Guthis, based on Indian gosthi, was an important practice. Society was hierarchically stratified by caste and occupation was caste based and enforced through the office of the bhattadhikarana. Although the official language of the court was Sanskrit and Indian Gupta script was used, indigenous people spoke their mother tongue, Kirat or proto-Newari (Slusser, 1982).

Lichchavi towns must have followed Sanskrit ritual literature rules for creating towns, based on the Vastu Purusa Mandala represented by the Ekasiti Pada or 9x9 grid of 81 squares. Brahma is said to preside over the 9 central squares and the palace and other important buildings were placed there. The 8 cardinal points were controlled by territorial deities and watch guards. The Hindu city was supposed to represent the cosmos and Manasara prescribed 8 plans: Dandaka, Sarvatobhadra, Namdyavarta, Padmaka, Svastika, Prastara, Karmuka, Chaturmuka (Tiwari, 2001).

By the 4th century Siva Pasupati was the most important deity of Nepal. At about the same time, Dolasikhara-swami (Changunarayan) was installed and these two gods were held in highest esteem. Durga worship was also made. By the beginning of 5th century Vrisadeva built Svayambhu. Then Dharmadeva built the Chabahil chaitya. Bouddhanath was built probably by Sivadeva. Hundreds of miniature stone stupas or chaityas were built. Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism were practiced and by Amsuvarman’s time Vajrayana was also practiced. Monasteries (viharas) were set up where monks and nuns resided. Mathas, their Hindu counterparts, were also built. Endowments were made to temples and monasteries. There appeared to be harmonious relationship between the two religions (Slusser, 1982).

Tiwari’s view seems to differ somewhat on this matter. According to him, there appears to have been continuous conflict between the two religions. Buddhist legend tried to discredit Mandeva by describing how the Makara turned back at the sight of the son killing his father at Narayanhiti. On the other hand the Gopalarajavamsavali gave a milder account by saying it was done unknowingly. Tiwari believes Manadeva’s father’s death was a result of palace intrigue, initiated by Hindu Buddhist rivalry, with the chief priest of Pasupati as one of the main instigators. Dharmadeva appears to have been killed because of his inclination towards sacrificial rites associated with Buddhist Yogini sect and presumably for erecting the Chabahil chaitya. He believes an act of regicide and patricide was committed (Tiwari, 2001).

According to Gopalarajavamsavali, Vrisadeva, the great grandfather of Manadeva, built Swayambhu chaitya. Tiwari thinks he was apparently sacrificed at a water conduit. No conduit is observed today. As per the Svayambhu purana, Shantikaracharya erected Swayambhu to protect the spot of the primordial lotus and went into self-internment at Shantikara temple just as Vrisadeva was supposed to have done. Closer inspection of the temple reveals that it has been built over a stone conduit where today access is denied to the sanctum which is built over the conduit. Vrisadeva’s (Shantikara) self-sacrifice probably may have been performed to keep peace between the Hindu-Buddhist sects. Similarly, Dharmadeva (Dharmapala) was probably executed at Sankhu, home of the Yogini (Tiwari, 2001).

Miniature chaityas of the Buddhists called chibahs, more correctly Masiri-dega (Mansiri-dega>Manjushri-dega) were the Buddhist equivalent of the Hindu practice of dedicating Siva linga to dead parents. Chaityas were suppressed following the rule of Manadeva, briefly resurfaced in the 12th century and again were suppressed till the 17th century, even in Patan (Tiwari, 2001).

Saturday, March 10, 2012

Lecture 2 PRE-HISTORIC NEPAL, CREATION OF THE VALLEY, GOPALAS AND MAHISPALAS


Lecture 2

PRE-HISTORIC NEPAL

CREATION OF THE VALLEY, GOPALAS AND MAHISPALAS


No records of pre-historic Nepal exist. Religious legends exist but actual historical facts are difficult to ascertain, as the legends are prone to one-upmanship, designed to curtail each other’s influence. Some important Nepali texts are Nepal Mahatmya and Swayambhu Purana.

Chronologies or vamsavalis are abridged dynastic histories which detail out the deeds of kings towards the gods. They can be a good source of historical events, however, their authenticity require further confirmation. The two important vamsavalis are Gopalarajavamsavali (compiled in 1382-1395 in the court of Jayasthitimalla) and Bhasavamsavali (prepared during 18-19th century).

Different religious chronicles tend to claim different events or names for what appears to be the same site. For example, the confluence of the Bagmati and Vishnumati which is claimed as Chintamani Tirtha by the Buddhists is also supposed to be the site, as per Himdu legends, of the holy ashram of sage Ne, after whom Nepal is named. The earliest Sivaite image of Bhringareswore at Sunakothi is equally claimed by the Hindus and Buddhists. Devapatan of the Ashoka legend is the same area noted by Gopalarajavamsavali to be where the first Lichchavi king Supuspadeva, also known as Pasupreka, built the temple of Pasupati Bhattaraka and a beautiful town. Gopalarajavamsavali lists specific gifts offered by Vrisadeva and Dharmadeva so the temple must have been in existence before 400 AD. Manjushree is supposed to have built the town Manjupattana, probably around Balaju area. Later kings shifted from Manjupatana to Sankasya on the Banks of Ikshumati (Tukucha). This same town as per Hindu chronicle is supposed to be Nandisala, credited to Lichchavi kings. (Tiwari, 2001)

Gopalarajavamsavali lists Mandeva as the 21st king of the Lichchavi dynasty. It states Lichchavis were preceded by 32 kings of the Kirat dynasty. The Kirats were preceded by the Mahispalas who had taken over from the Gopalas who had ruled for eight generations. So by assigning 20 years for each reignal  period, Tiwari estimates that the Gopalas began their rule around 1000 BC. As per the vamsavalis, Gopalas were the first rulers of Nepal. (Tiwari, 2001)

Gopalarajavamsavali states Ashoka came to Kathmandu during the reign of 14th Kirat king. Since Ashoka ruled during the 3rd century BC, the timing appears plausible. It also states Mandeva as the 41st king and Jayadev II as the 58th king. The records of Jayadev in the Pasupati inscriptions list chronology of kings which match the vamsavali. Also the Hadigaon find of king Jaya Varman coincides with the vamsavali record. Thus, vamsavalis cannot just be written off.

Early legends indicate that Kathmandu Valley was a lake which was later drained and settled. There is no doubt about the existence of the lake as geological studies have shown the valley to have alluvial soil under lacustrine conditions and fossils. Along the course of the Bagmati there are 4 locations where ponding could have occurred: Gokarna (Sodhani Tirtha), Gauri Ghat ( Santa Tirtha), Chovar (Jaya Tirtha) and Kotwal (Setuvina Mahatirtha). Legends such as opening of Chovar also occur for Gokarna and Gaurighat (Tiwari, 2001).

Tiwari contends that Chovar gorge probably opened up later due to geological disturbance. He believes the earlier drainage point was Bungamati as there are lake deposits and Matsendranath and water myths are associated with it. He has also charted out different contour levels of the Valley to arrive at this decision (Tiwari, 2001).

Nepalmahatmya tells of Krishna draining the lake but the Swayambhu Purana tells of an earlier period when the lake Kalihrada or Naghrada was full of snakes. On Kartik Purnima a lotus sown by Vipasubuddha appeared which emanated a self-existing flame, Swayambhu. Later after Manjushree drained the lake a sage took to protect the pure light from evil forces and built Swayambhu Mahachaitya. (Tiwari, 2005).

After the drying of the lake the hillocks remaining out of the water were probably the early habitat of the aboriginal settlers. Tiwari hypothesizes that the earliest settlements were on the higher reaches of the surrounding hills. Settlements moved down along hill spurs jutting into valley along Changunarayan, Jagdol, Kapan, Tokha, Mahankal, Balaju, Swayambhu, Naikap, Bungamati, Sunakothi, Katunje, Sanga-Tathali. Later settlements extended to Bhaktapur, Thimi, Gothatar, Devpatan, Baluwatar, Manamaiju, Kirtipur, Chovar, Okhthali, Lagan and Matitar. By early Lichchavi period movement had occurred to occupy Patan, Hadigaon and Kathmandu (Tiwari, 2001).

Slusser contends that people of Tibeto-Burman origin probably drifted down from the harsh Tibetan plateau and were ancestors of the current hill tribes and Newars. (Slusser, 1982).

As per the legends, the aboriginal people were serpent worshippers and were called Nagas. The legends portray the Nagas as a matriarchal society who worshipped simple (anaconic) unhewn stones as tribal female deities dedicated to Kali, Kumari, Devi, Malika, Maiju and Ajima. Traces of such customs still remain with the Newars, the Kiratas and Rajbanshis (Tiwari, 2001).

The similarity in place names of Tistung-Palung-Chitlang to the south of Chandragiri hills, now inhabited by the Hale and Gwa caste groups of Newars, and Chepang area, as well as the linguistic relations between the Chepangs, Newars and Kirats indicate they could have common ancestry and could be descendents of the Nagas. The Newar name for Patan, Yala, is believed to originate from the Kirat king Yellung or Yalambara, the alleged founder of the dynasty and the city. Chyasal-tol is believed to commemorate the 800 Kiratas slain in battle with the Lichchavis (Tiwari, 2001).

Although the chronicles seem to suggest the Gopalas and Mahispalas came from India, Nirish Nepal believes their origins to be derived from the pastoral community of Nagas who broke up into two groups: Gopalas (cow herders) and Mahispalas (buffalo herders). They appear to be aboriginal herdsmen of the Bagmati region and the primogenitors of the Newars. The Newar caste hierarchy has the Hale or Gwa caste divided into two sub-sections: Sapu (cow milker) and Me-pu (buffalo milker). The predominance of Hale and Gwa castes among the Newars in Taukhel, Nhulu, Kunchha, Papung, Pulagaun and Shikarkot villages of Tistung-Taukhel-Chitlang regions indicate they are not mythical but real historical people (Tiwari, 2001).

According to the vamsavalis the seven daughter groups of Gopalas and Mahispalas occupied seven villages of Kathmandu: Satungal, Boshigaun, Machchegaun, Taukhel (Tahakhel?), Kirtipur, Lohankot and Nagam (Panga). These villages have concentrations of Gwas and Hales. During the Jatra of Satgaons, all the seven guardian goddesses of the villages come together at the site of the mother goddess of Vishandevi temple on the banks of the river Balkhu (Indramati Ganga). Podes are the group leaders of the festivities. Podes are also guardians of the matrika temples eg. Tunaldevi Ajima of Chandol datable to the 5th century. Podes also do not practice Yihi of the Newars . Could they be older than the Gopalas? Just as indicated by the legends, it is possible the Gopalas and Mahispalas occupied the higher lands around Palung, Tistung, Satgaon etc. with their capital at Matatirtha (Tiwari, 2001).

Although the Gopalas and Mahispalas were believed to follow Vaishnavite Hinduism and the Kiratas followed Saivite Hinduism, Buddhism probably arrived earlier. Buddhist and Hindu legends seem to refer to the same early sites of religious or secular importance to pre-Lichchavi settlers. If the logic of movement of settlements from the higher to the lower level over time is to be accepted, then the Buddhist sites were probably older as they were located on the higher level of the same mountain spurs.
Ichangu Narayan – Ichangu                 Vipaswibuddha – Jamacho
Sikha Narayan – Pharping                   Sikhitathagata – Champadevi
Bishankhu Narayan – Bishankhu        Viswobhubuddha – Phulchoki
Changu Narayan – Changu                  Manjushri – Manichurthan

Location of Mahadev Pokhari, Pokhari Thumko, Pokhari Bhanjhyang and Dahachowk in the general areas of the Buddhist legends tends to suggest these hill ponds served as water supply reservoirs for large settlements nearby. The profusion of many non-Sanskrit names around these regions further reinforces the theory that Kirata or pre-Lichchavi settlements existed there. Their location seems to suggest their strategic importance in regard to control of the passes to the valley for military as well as trade purposes. The settlements probably doubled as military garrisons and trading posts at the time of the Sravasti monks. Highways criss-crossed the valley linking the settlements.




KIRATAS


Mahabharat mentions Kiratas as aligned to Kauravas. Shiva also appears as a Kirata to give Arjuna the weapon of Pashupat. The Puranas ( edited in 400 AD?) mention Kiratas as people of the Madhyadesh, located in the Himalayas next to Kamrupa ( Slusser, 1982).

Kira (edge) ta (roam)- so Kiratas are thought to refer to aboriginal people roaming at the edge of Aryan settlements. Vamsavalis indicate Kiratas as the successors of the Gopalas and the Mahispalas. Some vamsavalis mention the Kiratas took the Bagmati route from the south to enter the valley (Tiwari, 2001). Slusser suggests earlier drifters from the Tibetan plateau to be the ancestors of Kiratas who in turn were the ancestors of the Newars (Slusser, 1982).

Whereas the Gopalas and Mahispalas were thought to have come from India and followed Vedic Hinduism with Vaisnavite inclination, the Kiratas were thought to be the followers of Shiva. Kirateswore Sivalinga and proto-Lichchvi Kali of Aryaghat are indicative of Sivaite following among Kiratas.

According to N. M. Thulung, Kirata folklore suggests the Kiratas originated from “Mong” in China. They split into the Chyan, Tyan and Hyan genets. The Chyan moved south to the Indus Valley and from there into Nepal after the Aryan invasion. The Aryans entered the Indus Valley in waves between 2000-1200 BC and expanded into the Gangetic plains. The Aryans referred to the original inhabitants as “Dasa”, “Dasyu” and later “Saka” and they were excluded from the Aryan society because they had different religious beliefs. The Manusmriti identifies the Kiratas as one of the eleven tribes who inhabited the Indus-Saraswoti region. Tiwari believes some of these tribes were forced to move away from their homeland and into the Kumaon region. While the Khas set up their kingdom in the Kumaon hills, the Kiratas moved on to settle in the Kathmandu Valley (Tiwari, 2002). While no remains of temples were found in the Indus Valley, archaeologists have concluded that worship of the primal form of Siva, Rudra, was popular.

The easternmost town of the Sakas dug up by archaeologists so far is Alamgirpur which lies a little to the north of Delhi. Thus, the physical distance as well as the time gap between the Indus civilization and the Kathmandu Valley is not as great as it seems. Further east and closer to Nepal lay the Sakya kingdom of Kapilavastu. They are believed to belong to the Khas clan of the Sakas and they also extensively used brick construction. Considering the fact that the Sakyas and the Kirats were contemporaneous, it is not difficult to conceive that the Kirats may have traveled to Kathmandu Valley after being displaced from their ancestral homeland by the Aryans.

In his book “The Brick and the Bull” Tiwari hypothesizes that when the “Sakas” moved away from their homeland and into the Kathmandu Valley, they brought along with them the knowledge of the 18 building trade groups, among these the art of brick building, water tanks, drainage system etc. They also brought their religion (Tiwari, 2002). The discovery of 2nd century BCE brick construction by the Italian excavation team near the Satyanarayan temple gives conclusive proof that the Kiratas had advanced knowledge of brick construction. Terracota figurines of humped bulls and matrika sculptures suggest Saiva and mother goddess worship was prevalent among the local population.

Tiwari also believes that due to the constant persecution even after the total demolition of their cities, the Sakyas migrated to the Kathmandu valley. Because of their earlier association, the ruling Kiratas would have been easily accepted and assimilated them into their society. Buddhist legends have mentioned about such an exodus from Kapilavastu to the Kathmandu valley. Sakya masons skilled in tamralep, the smooth finishing of stone surfaces, are believed to have introduced this skill to the valley as the Lichchavis of Vaisali had no knowledge about this technique (Tiwari, 2009).
  
The stone polishing technique is found to be used for a very short period during the reign of Ashoka but disappeared from later works of the Gandhar, Kushan and Guptas. The polishing technique was introduced by the Persians and Greeks and used for hard stones such as quartzite and granite. Softer stones used in later works did not take such polish. The Kiratas also used softer sandstone without polish so the prevalent use of tamralep during the time of the Lichchavis can be credited to the Sakyas, Kolis and Vrijjis who must have introduced it to the valley (Tiwari,2009).

That other dynasties preceded Lichchavis is proven by the fact that Sanskrit inscriptions of Lichchavi period used mostly non-Sanskrit terms for administrative and personal names (Rogamacau, Sindrira, Kedumbata) and more than 80% place names including that of hamlets, towns, rivers etc which have survived till today, eg. Pharping, Balkhu, Balambu, Mhepi, Khopring, Tukucha etc. If Lichchavi rule began from the 1st century and older names survived for more than 500 years when the Lichchavi inscriptions were made, it indicates that there were well established towns and villages during the Kirata period and there was continued influence of the Kirata language on non-Sanskrit language (Tiwari, 2001).

The Kiratas worshipped Ajima (Yumi) or grandmother and Ajju or Bhairav or Hathvan (Theba) or grandfather and these traditions are existent in eastern Nepal. Some writers consider the imageless piths of Kanga Ajima, Luti Ajima and Maiti Ajima as remains of Kirata goddesses. Yumi was worshipped as mother goddess; Rais and Limbus also worship Yumis. Popular Newari belief links Indrachowk Akash Bhairav and Pachali Bhairav to Kirata king Yalambar Hang and his son Pabbi respectively. Places worshipped as Bhairav were memorials of kings: Akash Bhairav of Indrachowk commemorates King Yalambar while Pachali Bhairav is for the Kirata king of Pharping. One interesting point is the Hadigaon inscription of Amshuvarman listing state recognized religious sites. None of the above sites were cited or were lumped under “tadnyadevakulam” indicating they did not find favor with the then rulers (Tiwari, 2001).

Many early Kirata settlements probably emerged around mother goddesses and Bhairav temples. There probably were also Kirat defenses on hilltops such as Phulchoki, Nagarjun, Champa Devi, Nagarkot gap, Nuwakot etc. The vamsavalis tell of Kirata palaces at Phulchoki, Godavari, Gokarna and later Pulchowk but there are no remains to corroborate the statements. The Mandeva palace at Gokarna is thought to be the Kirata palace but since it is a cave, its likelihood being the remains of a Kirata palace is remote. The Kirata towns on hilltops were referred to as pringgas eg. Pharping, Khopring (Bhaktapur) and dula suffix meant settlements on slopes: Kupondol (Newari term dol for dula).

Kirata settlements were located on hillocks or high ridges, referred to as pringgas. These early settlements often formed the core of later urban centres of the Lichchavis, Mallas and Shahs (Tiwari,2009). The tutelary deity of the town or village was housed in a dyochhen in the centre of the settlement which was flanked on the higher side by the Thathu housing the chiefs and on the lower side by Kwothu where ordinary people lived. The tutelary deities consisted of Shiva, Yaksha, mother goddesses and ancestors, one of which would be specific to each settlement. Buddhism arrived with the influx of the migrating Sakyas. Monasteries became necessary; however, these were located away from the towns and villages and so did not affect their structure (Tiwari, 2009).

The Kirata capital appears to have shifted frequently. Chronicles mention the capital shifted from Kiratsur at Thankot to Andipringga (Hadigaon) and to Patan. According to Tiwari, earlier, Bishandevi of Balkhu near Naikap seems to have represented the power of the state so when the Kiratas set up their capital at Andipringga, they brought her and set her up in their capital somewhere near the current location of Satyanarayan temple. This act invested the Kiratas with the power to rule. Later, during Lichchavi rule, Narayan became the god which invested the power to rule, so the Lichchavis erected the Narayan temple at the site of the goddess of Andipringga and relocated the temple of the goddess to Tunaldevi at Chandol (Tiwari, 2002).

Popular belief is that Patuko mound in central Patan is of Kirata origin. Some historians have concluded that Kirata king Patuko shifted his palace from Gokarna to Sankhamul. Patuko is thought to have been the second last Kirat king so Patuko is probably a historical figure of Kiratas. Kirata culture used bricks for built structures since early times. Tiwari believes Kiratas used bricks and timber to build palaces and transient buildings for commoners and contends Sankhamul as the palace site, probably where the Patuko mound stands (Tiwari, 2001). Chyasal tol is one of the oldest quarters. Chyasal and Guita are exclusively inhabited by Jyapus, suggesting their lineage closest to ancient Nepal. The Kiratas early relations with Patan is reinforced by the fact that two sites are considered venerable by the present day Kiratas: Siddhilaxmi temple near Tyagal tol and Tikhel at the southwest corner of Patan (Slusser, 1982).

Although legend has it that the Lichchavis slew 800 Kiratas at Chyasal tol, some believe Lichchavi takeover of Kiratas was not violent as the Lichchavis make no mention of diaspora, fire or sword or boasts of victory (Slusser, 1982). Lichchavi inscriptions suggest Kirata settlements in the form of small towns were situated on the upper reaches of the hill slopes. They had non-Sanskrit names which continued even during Lichchavi periods. Some of these were Ahidumkottagrama (around Gokarna), Lembatidrangga (Lele), Mathanggrama (west of Thamel), Lohpring and Muhpring (east and northeast of Pasupati), Kadunggrama, Ferangkotta, Kichpringgrama, Pasinkhya, Thenchograma and Jolpringgrama (all around Thankot), Konko (south of Bhaktapur), Thanthuridrangga (near Budanilkantha) etc. Excavations in Hadigaon have revealed pre-Lichchavi brick walls (167 BC -–1 AD) and a water tap tray with the name Andigrama suggesting the site belonged to the Kirata settlement of Andipringga. In current Kirata terminology and probably in the ancient times as well, “cho” and “gung” indicate places located on higher grounds. The Lichchavi inscriptions have many such names e.g. Haragung, Dhandangung, Chhogung, Lumbancho, Pahancho, Dhancho, Gungrihara, Gungshikhara etc.

Springs fed ponds and hill top ponds, natural or man-made, were important to Kiratas as they were settled on higher grounds. The Lichchavis and later on the Mallas continued to use these as their source of water supply for their towns.

The small settlements of Yambi (current Indrachowk), Jama (current Jamal), Lanjagvala (current Lagan) and their capital Andipringga (current Hadigaon) further to the east were aligned along the main trade route from India to Tibet, the Kampo-Yambi Marga (Indrachowk -Ason-Jamal-Naxal-Hadigaon-Dhumbarahi-across Dhobikhola-Mahankal-Kapan)(Tiwari, 2001). Lichchavis later added the larger town of Daxinakoligram to the south of Yambi.

Lecture 1 EARLY REFERENCES TO NEPAL


EARLY REFERENCES TO NEPAL

The earliest epigraphic records of Nepal are the pillars erected at Lumbini and Nigali Sagar in 257 BC by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka (269-232 BC). The Lumbini pillar inscriptions record that Ashoka came to pray at the spot because Lord Buddha was born there. The inscription on the other pillar at Nigali Sagar refers to the repair and expansion in size of the stupa of a previous Buddha called Konakama in 254 BC and his personal visit and offering of reverence in 249 BC. Legendary accounts of Ashoka’s visit to Nepal are not substantiated by Indian or Sri Lankan records. The five “Ashoka Stupas” of Patan have been credited to Ashoka. Four lie roughly at the cardinal corners of the city while one is situated in the centre, however, Slusser contends stupas may be funerary mounds of pre-Buddhist origin and may predate the Mauryan period (Slusser, 1982). Neils Gutschow and Tiwari, however, do not accept this and believe they are no older than 16th century (Tiwari, 2001). The four chaityas associated with Ashoka are claimed by other Buddhist legends to be Chilancho Chaitya of Kirtipur, Swayambhu Chaitya, Chabahil Chaitya of Devpatan and the Patuko mound of Patan (Tiwari, 2001). Svayambhu Purana account of Ashoka’s daughter Charumati marrying a local prince Devapala and establishing Deopatan and a vihar of her name is also not substantiated by Indian and Sri Lankan records. (Slusser, 1982)

The epigraphic record of the valley is pushed back significantly by the discovery in 1992 of a stone sculpture of King Jaya Varma dated 185 AD (Slusser, 1982). Ancient Brahmi script states he is the 4th king who died in the year 107 Saka Samvat, which coincides with Jayadev II record on the stele at Pashupati and the account of Gopalarajavamsavalis. Before the Jaya Varma inscription, the earliest dated document of the valley was the stone inscription at Changu Narayan erected by Mandeva in 464 AD.

Buddhist chronicles refer to monks at Sravasti, an important trading centre (Set Mahet village by the Rapti river) who joined a group of wool merchants bound for Nepal but who had to return because of the difficult passage. This clearly indicated trading existed between India and Kathmandu Valley during 5-6th century BC. (Slusser, 1982) Kathmandu was connected to the Uttarapatha, the great northern Indian trade route which passed through the Sakya capital of Kapilavastu and existed at least from the 6th century BC and connected the eastern Gangetic basin with the civilization of the Near East. The Uttarapatha was connected to another great trade route, the Dakshinapatha which was connected to the Buddhist communities of Sanchi and Ujjain. In early 7th century AD the Tibetan nation was established which brought tranquility to the surrounding territory. From then on Nepal became the preferred trade route between Tibet and India. Till the late 18th century, trade was the primary source of the Valley’s wealth and its main raison d’etre. (Slusser, 1982)

Mauryan statesman Kautilya (244 BC) referred to woolen blankets from Nepal in Arthasastra (Slusser, 1982). Italian excavations in Hadigaon unearthed built cultural remains dating back to 150 BC ( Tiwari, 2001). Since the timing is relatively close to the time of Kautilya, conclusions can be drawn that settlement of distinct urban pattern existed to accommodate such heightened economic activities. The history of settlements in the valley can thus be pushed back more than 600 years from established date of historical beginning (Tiwari, 2001).

Hsuan-tsang, Chinese pilgrim to India in mid 7th century heard in Vaisali about red copper, yak, Mingming bird and use of copper coins in Nepal. Wang Hsuan-tse, Chinese envoy on his way from the T’ang court to meet Harshavardhana at Kanauj, visited Kathmandu valley in the mid 7th century during the reign of Narendradeva and noted that “merchants, fixed and itinerant, were numerous and cultivators rare”. (Slusser, 1982)

The 4TH century AD pillar inscription of Samudragupta at Allahabad lists “Nepala” as a frontier state. T’ang dynasty, contemporaries of Lichchavis, referred to Nepal as Ni-po-lo.